Joe Biden Promises To Make America Even Better

President Trump was supposed to have a rally tomorrow. It’s canceled or postponed because of a tropical storm. And on the Democratic side – which is where we’re going to focus today – former Vice President Joe Biden hasn’t had a lot of events.

So we are going to talk about the campaign today. One thing to note, President Trump was supposed to have a rally tomorrow. It’s canceled or postponed because of a tropical storm. And on the Democratic side – which is where we’re going to focus today – former Vice President Joe Biden hasn’t had a lot of events. He certainly hasn’t had anything resembling a rally. But there has been a lot going on behind the scenes, especially this week. There have been some big policy pronouncements, the vice presidential search. And also, this week marks the conclusion of these joint task forces that he had formed with his former primary opponent, Bernie Sanders.

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These were six different groups made up half of people appointed by Sanders, half of people appointed by Biden. And the idea was to get everybody on the same policy page to maybe pull Joe Biden as much as possible to the left a little bit and, bottom line, to give progressives some sort of stake in the Joe Biden candidacy and the Joe Biden platform. Bernie Sanders did not want to repeat 2016, where there was a lot of lukewarm feeling – to put it mildly – toward Hillary Clinton from progressives, from people who had backed him in the primary. So this was a result to try and say, look, we’re all on the same page and, no, Joe Biden is not suddenly going to be running on my platform. But I’m excited about a lot of the things that he will now be running on and maybe governing on.

What I found so interesting about these task forces is that this was kind of just a wish list of what progressives have wanted. And, certainly, you didn’t have everything on there, right? We know “Medicare for All” was a humongous campaign issue on the Democratic side this election cycle. And there was no Medicare for All in there but I don’t think anyone expected there to be. What I did see, though, that were interesting were there were all sorts of other progressive ideas that we’ve heard a lot about, you know. For example, 12 weeks of paid family leave in the case of having a, you know, a child or adopting a child. There was paid sick time off, universal pre-K.

Joe Biden platform supported by many inside the party

I mean, these are ideas that we’ve heard a lot about from Democrats over the past couple of years but a lot because it’s been pushed by some of these progressive activists. And to see this all in there, to me, was really interesting. And, in part, because I spoke with a former adviser to Joe Biden – he’s kind of informally advising his campaign this year – and he said he was on the task force, that they were told nothing is off the table, that Biden wanted them to really be as ambitious as they could when they address this all. And he feels like most of these ideas Biden will take seriously.

And just to add one more specific – almost all of the big parts of the Green New Deal are in this report – not under that name. That name had become kind of not politically controversial but something that Joe Biden had said he wasn’t fully onboard with as much as other candidates were in the primaries. But a really aggressive timeline to get the country to carbon neutral, a lot of investment in clean energy and a commitment to create a lot of jobs in almost, like, a climate job corps in the green energy field.

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What was interesting to me was that the Biden campaign was really involved on this. They had to sign off on everything. And yet, at the end of the day, their statement said, great, thanks for all of this. We’ll take a look. And, like, that was it. But I talked to a lot of people in the progressive field who worked on these task forces – including Bernie Sanders – and they all said, no, this is going to be in the platform. We were told this is a serious policy proposal that is going to have a future.

Bernie Sanders believes Biden has gone far too left

Sanders said that he did feel like this process pulled Biden to the left. And I also asked him about something that I’ve been really interested in and we’ve been hearing a lot from Joe Biden. Obviously, he ran as kind of the moderate for most of the Democratic primary. That’s used in relative terms because – as we’ve talked about 15,000 times on this podcast – he had a platform a lot more progressive than, like, Barack Obama’s presidency. Right? We’ve talked about that, moving on.

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But Joe Biden has really changed the way that he views his potential presidents. And he started to say, over and over lately, he wants to have a Franklin-Roosevelt style, transformative presidency. Now, Bernie Sanders, when he was running for president, name-checked FDR all the time.

I don’t think we ever heard Bernie Sanders really making that ringing of an endorsement in the potential presidency of Hillary Clinton, other than saying that she could beat Donald Trump. Like, this seems like a big difference, and that was part of the point of these task forces.

You know, I would kind of for shorthand describe it almost as a counter to the America First message that we’ve heard from President Trump. So Build Back Better is this, like, big economic agenda that he has. But within it, what he announced this week was kind of like a competing vision of economic nationalism. He was essentially focusing on manufacturing and innovation and the need to buy American goods and boost American manufacturing. And we know this is such a tenet of Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign. And so to me, it was just fascinating to hear the Democratic candidate this cycle offer this competing version of what nationalism and patriotism means when we talk about the economy.

And so this was the kind of the first plank of his economic agenda. It includes a $700 billion investment in procurement and research and development for new technologies. And he talked about the fact that he envisions this plan could potentially create 5 million new jobs. You know, this isn’t the only piece of his economic agenda. He talked about the fact that he’ll be discussing more ideas on infrastructure and clean energy as well as child care in the coming weeks. But to me, what’s notable that he chose to start the economic conversation around manufacturing and buy American.

President Trump bashing Joe Biden for ripping off his ideas

So President Trump did respond to this. He said that basically Joe Biden is plagiarizing him, that he is ripping off his economic plan. Yeah, and the idea of keeping manufacturing in the United States I don’t think is something that President Trump came up with. And in fact, for much of the last few decades, it was something that populist Democrats really embraced, and President Trump was initially going against the Republican Party, the party of free trade, in so many recent years. So I mean, this is something that Biden and senators like Sherrod Brown of Ohio have been talking about for a very long time.

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Yeah. It’s not a trademarked idea, if you will. Well, we are going to take a quick break, and when we get back, more on the coalition that the Biden campaign is trying to build.

I think we’ve talked a lot about how Joe Biden has very large leads, double-digit leads, leads where he has more than 50%, all reasons that it’s much more durable than any leads that Hillary Clinton had at any point in 2016. We have talked a lot about how a lot of independent voters are leaning Joe Biden. They just seem exasperated by the Trump era, and they feel like he’s not handling these crises well.

And there was an interesting data point this week that showed that, mostly out of excitement of the chance to beat Donald Trump, progressives – former Sanders backers, former Elizabeth Warren backers – are almost 100% onboard with Joe Biden’s candidacy. So going back to those task forces, I think there had been a lot of thought for the last couple of years that if Biden was the nominee, he would have to really work hard to excite and court progressives. He might not necessarily need to do that anymore, if you just think about it in terms of getting the votes he needs to win.

Support from Bernie voters is still a mystery

I think that the question I still have – and this is a question that’s come up time and again when I’ve spoken to progressive voters – is, you know, they’re not going to vote for Donald Trump. But if you look at some of the most recent polling that we saw, 87% of Sanders supporters say that they intend to vote for Joe Biden in November, and very few said that they were going to vote for Donald Trump. But the question is 87% still means that there’s a chunk of people who suggest that they’re not going to participate and they’re not going to vote. You know, when I’ve talked to voters, when I’ve talked to activists, that’s not a common feature.

I mean, I think that there’s nowhere near the type of, you know, concern that Democrats had around what would happen when Hillary Clinton was the nominee, but is there full-fledged enthusiasm amongst progressive voters? No, I don’t think that there is 100% full-fledged enthusiasm because if that was the case, we would just see higher numbers of Sanders supporters backing him at this point than we are.

Part of this reminds me of this yard sign that I keep seeing, the Any Functioning Adult 2020 yard sign, where, you know, the Trump campaign frequently points to a lack of enthusiasm among Democrats for Biden, or a deficit between the amount of enthusiasm Republicans have for Trump and the amount of enthusiasm Democrats have for Biden. But the negative energy towards Trump from Democrats is, you know, off the charts.

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We’re in a global environment right now where, I mean, if you look at the right-track, wrong-track questions – do you think the country’s going in the right direction? It’s just, like, astronomically people think it’s in the wrong direction. Of course they think that. There is a raging pandemic that has killed, you know, 130,000 people and more, unemployment is so high. So, like, I think actually the basic Biden message that got panned for a while of any functioning adult, if you want to put it that way, is actually appealing to a lot of voters right now. They’re just like, I just want something calm and competent, and there’s somebody who’s happy to give them that.

Plenty of Republican groups are fighting against Trump campaign

You’ve got independent groups, whether you’re thinking of the Lincoln Project, which is this super PAC, and some folks might have seen their ads. These are, like, these snazzy, flashy ads that kind of troll President Trump on the regular. They have a bunch of Mitt Romney campaign alums who recently have joined forces to try to get different campaign alums to say that they’re going to support Joe Biden. And then there’s this group called 43 Alumni for Biden. That’s a reference to George W. Bush campaign staffers, since Bush was the 43rd president. They have, you know, a couple hundred people that they say together at this point that they’ve organized to come out and support Joe Biden.

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You’ve also got Republican Voters Against Trump. I mean, just sort of on and on there are these groups of what I would describe as more traditional Republicans, largely college educated Republicans who have said, I mean, they were not on board with Donald Trump’s presidency, many of them, even in 2016. But some of them, you know, told me that they abstained in 2016, they just chose not to participate at all. And now, three and a half years later, they feel this urgency because of – largely because of the pandemic and the economy and the way the president has handled that situation, and just seeing how he’s governed, that they need to pick a side this time, that it’s not enough, they say, this year, just to abstain.

If you look at the polling, the universe of Republicans is overwhelmingly, you know, 90-something-percent believe the president is doing a great job. this is a Republican Party that is largely Trump’s party. And so really, are these Republican for Biden efforts going to mean much of anything? So two things on that. One is that, you know, there have been some Republicans who have left the Republican Party since 2016. In fact, we’ve seen white college-educated voters especially in the last few years shift away from the Republican Party. So when you poll on Donald Trump questions within the Republican Party, people like that are no longer getting picked up.

And that’s probably the reason why the House of Representatives slipped by such a large margin in 2018. And the second reason I would point out is that these Republicans for Biden folks say that they don’t need that many defections, right? The election, they say, could come down to this really, really small sliver of voters in swing states. And recent New York Times/Siena College polling showed that there’s, like, 6% of voters in six crucial battleground states who backed Trump in 2016 who say there’s not really any chance they’ll back him again this November. I mean, that’s a really small – but I would say it’s like microtargeting, right? You don’t need lots of those people, if that polling is accurate, right? And so you don’t need to have hundreds of thousands of people all across the country. You just kind of need to focus on the few people in these key battleground states.

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GOP Hoping for Tucker Carlson 2024 Run

Tucker Carlson’s audience is booming — and so is chatter that the popular Fox News host will parlay his TV perch into a run for president in 2024.

Republican strategists, conservative commentators, and former Trump campaign and administration officials are buzzing about Carlson as the next-generation leader of Donald Trump’s movement — with many believing he would be an immediate frontrunner in a Republican primary.

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“He’s a talented communicator with a massive platform. I think if he runs he’d be formidable,” said Luke Thompson, a Republican strategist who worked for Jeb Bush’s super PAC in 2016.

While practically every Republican eyeing a 2024 presidential run is professing loyalty to Trump the person, Carlson has become perhaps the highest-profile proponent of “Trumpism” — a blend of anti-immigrant nationalism, economic populism and America First isolationism that he articulates unapologetically and with some snark. At the same time, he’s shown a rare willingness among Republicans to bluntly criticize Trump when he believes the president is straying from that ideology.

In another twist, Carlson has established a friendship with Donald Trump, Jr., according to a source familiar with their relationship. Trump Jr. has drawn his own share of presidential buzz.

“Tucker Carlson Tonight” is currently the most watched cable news program in history, according to the second quarter ratings released this week. And on Fox News’ YouTube channel, Carlson’s segments from the past quarter have drawn well over 60 million views and are among the most popular videos in the eight years since the network began posting on the platform.

His popularity with the base would instigate a debate over the future of the party — essentially whether Trump was an aberration or a party-realigning disrupter — a fight that will be all the fiercer if Trump loses in November.

Political insiders believe Tucker Carlson could win in 2024 if Biden is Elected

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“Let me put it this way: If Biden wins and Tucker decided to run, he’d be the nominee,” said Sam Nunberg, a former top political aide to Trump who knows Carlson. But Nunberg said he doesn’t believe Carlson will run because “he’s so disgusted with politicians.”

Sixteen prominent Republicans said there’s an emerging consensus in the GOP that the 51-year-old Carlson would be formidable if he were to run. Some strategists aligned with other potential candidates are convinced he will enter the race and detect the outlines of a stump speech in Carlson’s recent Fox monologues. Others, particularly those who know him well, are skeptical that he would leave his prime-time TV gig.

Carlson and Fox News declined to comment.

Rich Lowry, editor of the conservative National Review and author of “The Case for Nationalism,” said in an interview, “No one can dismiss this and say it’s completely implausible.”

“There is at the very least a significant faction within the Republican Party that [Carlson] has a huge stake in and arguably leadership over,” Lowry, who writes a column for POLITICO, said. “If he has political ambitions, he has an opening. He has a following and a taste for controversy. He’s smart, quick on his feet and personable. Political experience matters less than it once did.”

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Carlson has never run for office and has been dismissive of doing so in the past. In 2012, Nunberg said Republican operative Roger Stone unsuccessfully pushed Carlson to run on the Libertarian ticket. Stone told POLITICO in an email that “[i]t is not inconceivable that I may have raised it in jest or in passing as repartee, but have no memory of that.”

On his show, Carlson has made it abundantly clear that he thinks Trump’s election in 2016 was not a freak accident. Instead, he views it as a righteous repudiation of a morally bankrupt Republican Party that had become obsessed with capital gains tax cuts and foreign wars. This week, he warned his viewers to watch out for “vultures [who] wait just off stage to swoop in and claim the GOP for themselves once Donald Trump is gone,” name-checking likely 2024 candidate Nikki Haley.

“The moment Trump leaves, they will attack him,” he said. “They’ll tell you that ‘Republicans lost power because they were mean and intolerant just like Donald Trump.’ … It’s a lie.”

Tucker Carlson would be a serious longshot but does have a massive following

It is just one of many exhortations from the past month that have propelled Carlson to new popularity among the GOP base. As Republicans across the country and in Congress have expressed newfound openness to reforming the police and taking down Confederate monuments in the wake of protests, Carlson has denounced the Black Lives Matter movement and derided Republicans who have gone along with it.

“This may be a lot of things, this moment we are living through. But it is definitely not about black lives, and remember that when they come for you,” Mr. Carlson said in one 25-minute monologue on June 8 that has over 5.4 million views on YouTube. That lost him high-profile advertisers, including Disney, Papa John’s and T-Mobile, whose chief executive tweeted, “Bye-bye.”

Carlson faced a similar advertiser exodus in 2018 after saying that immigrants make “our own country poorer and dirtier and more divided.”

Carlson emerged from the backlash apparently unchastened.

“The angry children you watched set fire to Wendy’s and topple statues and scream at you on television day after day are truly and utterly stupid,” he said on his show last week. And he has repeatedly pushed back on the idea that racism is systemic in the country. “Overall, this is the least racist country in the history of the world,” he said a few days earlier. “Millions of Africans want to move here. Many already have. Our last president was black. What are you talking about?”

His audience has rewarded him with blockbuster ratings.

“What he’s been saying speaks for a lot of people, and it’s basically not expressed or serviced by most Republican politicians,” Lowry said. “There’s a lot to be said for being fearless, and he is, while Republican politicians, as a breed, are not.” Carlson has also earned powerful enemies in the party for his regular missives aimed at lawmakers and power brokers — attacks that he has kept up for the past month.

Tucker Carlson has become hated by some top Republicans

After Haley said the killing of George Floyd “needs to be personal and painful for everyone” in order for the country to heal, Carlson said, “What Nikki Haley does best is moral blackmail.” A Haley spokesperson declined to respond.

When Republican Sens. Ron Johnson and James Lankford this week proposed making Juneteenth a national holiday and doing away with Columbus Day in order to keep the number of national holidays the same, Tucker mocked the effort. “They describe themselves as conservatives, as improbable as that may seem,” he said.

Carlson painted with a wider brush this week, saying Republican Party leaders’ “so-called principles turned out to be bumper stickers they wrote 40 years ago.” In a sentiment that drew praise from some conservatives and liberals alike, he added that, “Instead of improving the lives of their voters, the party feeds them a steady diet of mindless, symbolic victories — partisan junk food designed to make them feel full even as they waste away.” Carlson apologized, to “the extent this show has participated in it.”

Carlson even tore into Trump’s top aide and son-in-law Jared Kushner. “No one has more contempt for Donald Trump’s voters than Jared Kushner does, and no one expresses it more frequently,” he said last month. He blamed Kushner for moderating the president on immigration, law enforcement and foreign policy.

The Kushner-bashing made some Trump-aligned Republicans wary of praising Carlson on the record. But several are bullish about a potential candidacy.

“I think everybody views Pence the same: What a great guy. But I don’t think anybody thinks he’s the force of nature that it takes to win the presidency,” said one former White House official. “I think Day One, Tucker probably starts ahead of those people if he does run.”

A Republican strategist close to the White House added: “If you are a Republican politician and you want to know where Republican voters are, all you have to do is watch Tucker Carlson every night.”

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Trump Finally Admits He’s Losing the 2020 Race

Amid a mountain of bad polling and stark warnings from allies, the president has acknowledged his reelection woes to allies.

Donald Trump knows he’s losing.

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The president has privately come to that grim realization in recent days, multiple people close to him told POLITICO, amid a mountain of bad polling and warnings from some of his staunchest allies that he’s on course to be a one-term president.

Trump has endured what aides describe as the worst stretch of his presidency, marred by widespread criticism over his response to the coronavirus pandemic and nationwide racial unrest. His rally in Oklahoma last weekend, his first since March, turned out to be an embarrassment when he failed to fill the arena.

What should have been an easy interview with Fox News host Sean Hannity on Thursday horrified advisers when Trump offered a rambling, non-responsive answer to a simple question about his goals for a second term. In the same appearance, the normally self-assured president offered a tacit acknowledgment that he might lose when he said that Joe Biden is “gonna be your president because some people don’t love me, maybe.”

In the hours after the interview aired, questions swirled within his inner circle about whether his heart was truly in it when it comes to seeking reelection.

Trump has time to rebound, and the political environment could improve for him. But interviews with more than a half-dozen people close to the president depicted a reelection effort badly in need of direction — and an unfocused candidate who repeatedly undermines himself.

“Under the current trajectory, President Trump is on the precipice of one the of the worst electoral defeats in modern presidential elections and the worst historically for an incumbent president,” said former Trump political adviser Sam Nunberg, who remains a supporter.

Nunberg pointed to national polls released by CNBC and New York Times/Siena over the past week showing Trump receiving below 40 percent against Biden.

Donald Trump’s campaign could be spinning out of control as his polling numbers plummet

If Trump’s numbers against erode to 35 percentage points over the next two weeks, Nunberg added, “He’s going to be facing realistically a 400-plus electoral vote loss and the president would need to strongly reconsider whether he wants to continue to run as the Republican presidential nominee.”

Behind the scenes, Trump and his team are taking steps to correct course. In the week since his Tulsa rally, the president has grudgingly conceded that he’s behind, according to three people who are familiar with his thinking. Trump, who vented for days about the event, is starting to take a more hands-on role in the campaign and has expressed openness to adding more people to the team. He has also held meetings recently focusing on his efforts in individual battleground states.

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Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, who effectively oversees the campaign from the White House, is expected to play an even more active role.

Trump campaign manager Brad Parscale was blamed internally for the Tulsa rally failure. Some people complained about him trumpeting that 1 million people had requested tickets, a boast that fell flat when thousands of seats sat empty during Trump’s speech.

Parscale has been a target of some Trump allies who argue the campaign is lacking a coherent strategy and direction. But people close to the president insist that Parscale’s job is safe for now. Trump, who visited the campaign’s Arlington, Virginia headquarters a few months ago, has told people he came away impressed with the sophistication of the organization.

Parscale, whose background is as a digital strategist, has received some reinforcements in recent weeks. Longtime Trump adviser Bill Stepien was given added responsibilities in the campaign, including working with political director Chris Carr and the Republican National Committee on voter turnout. And Jason Miller, a veteran of the 2016 campaign, was brought back to serve as a chief political strategist, a position that had been unfilled.

Republican base still concerned with the strength of Trump’s campaign

But those internal moves have done little to calm Republican jitters about the president’s personal performance. Fox News host and Trump favorite Tucker Carlson issued a blunt warning on his show this week that the president “could well lose this election.” South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham, another close Trump ally, told reporters that the president needs to make the race “more about policy and less about your personality.”

Trump’s team insists the president’s numbers are bound to improve as he steps up his public events and intensifies his attacks on Biden. People involved in the campaign say they have settled on two main avenues to go after the former vice president: That he’s beholden to liberals who want to do away with law and order, and that he’s a consummate Washington insider.

The campaign has begun a massive TV ad campaign going after the 77-year-old former vice president, including over his mental capacity and his nearly five-decade political career. Hoping to make inroads with African-American voters, Trump’s campaign is running ads slamming Biden over his central role in the 1994 crime bill.

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The commercials are airing in an array of states including Georgia, a traditionally red state where Trump suddenly finds himself in a fight. The cash-flush campaign is expected to remain on the TV airwaves in a host of key states through the election.

Veterans of Trump’s first presidential campaign liken their current predicament to the nightmarish summer of 2016, when he was buffeted by an array of self-inflicted scandals — from his criticism of a Gold Star family to his attack on a federal judge of Mexican ancestry.

Then as now, Trump trailed badly.

“There was similar fretting in 2016 and if it had been accurate, Hillary Clinton would be in the White House right now. Joe Biden is the weakest Democrat candidate in a generation and we are defining him that way,” said Trump campaign spokesman Tim Murtaugh. “We are four months from Election Day and in the end it will be a clear choice between President Trump’s incredible record of achievement and Joe Biden’s half-century of failure in Washington, D.C.”

Donald Trump needs to focus on tearing down Biden

Still, Trump advisers acknowledge that tearing down Biden will require a level of discipline he isn’t demonstrating. They have pleaded with Trump — who has used his Twitter account to vilify critics from MSNBC host Joe Scarborough to former National Security Adviser John Bolton — to stop focusing on slights that mean little to voters.

Biden’s low-profile during the pandemic has made it that much harder for Trump to land a punch, his advisers said.

But Republicans say he and his campaign need to figure out something soon.

“The key factor has been that Biden has been able to stay out of the race,” said David McIntosh, the president of the pro-Trump Club for Growth. “Republicans have to start defining Biden and put resources and effort and consistent messaging behind it.”

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Democrats Calling for Delegates to Stay Away from Convention

Coronavirus is keeping delegates away from convention

The Democratic National Convention in Milwaukee will host presumptive nominee Joe Biden, but delegates are encouraged not to attend in person as the party tries to manage holding its marquee event during the coronavirus pandemic.

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Democrats announced on Wednesday that the convention would move from the expansive Fiserv Forum — a state-of-the-art arena where the Milwaukee Bucks basketball team plays — to the much smaller Wisconsin Center, the city’s convention center. Attendees will be capped at 1,000 people, according to three people with knowledge of the discussions.

Biden is expected to speak from the Milwaukee location, and satellite sites are to be set up for broadcasting in other cities.

Joe Biden will accept the nomination in Milwaukee at Convention

“Vice President Biden intends to proudly accept his party’s nomination in Milwaukee and take the next step forward towards making Donald Trump a one-term president,” Biden’s campaign manager, Jen O’Malley Dillon, said in a statement. “The city of Milwaukee has been an incredible partner and we are committed to highlighting Wisconsin as a key battleground state at our convention this August.”

The convention is scheduled to run for four days. Party officials said standing committee meetings would be held virtually, and organizers said parties for media and volunteers would not take place in Milwaukee.

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The programming will feature “both live broadcasts and curated content from Milwaukee and other satellite cities, locations and landmarks across the country,” Democrats said in a news release.

Democrats working to paint themselves as more responsible than Trump

They also announced that they would consult epidemiologists Ian Lipkin and Larry Brilliant on the convention planning.

Party officials sought to portray themselves as more responsible than President Donald Trump, who wants to hold a large, traditional convention.

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“Leadership means being able to adapt to any situation,” said Tom Perez, chairman of the Democratic National Committee. “That’s exactly what we’ve done with our convention. Unlike this president, Joe Biden and Democrats are committed to protecting the health and safety of the American people.”

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Dems Start to Accept Biden’s Virtual Campaign

Since the former veep launched his stay-at-home campaign, his lead has grown to double-digits in national polls.

Donald Trump accuses Joe Biden of hiding in a basement “sanctuary.” The president’s campaign issues daily tweets and news releases about the number of days that have elapsed since Biden last held a press conference. Republican allies have taken to referring to the former vice president as “Punxsutawney Joe,” a reference to the Pennsylvania groundhog whose emergence from his burrow is cause for an annual celebration.

Yet none of it has managed to flush Biden far from his Delaware residence — and Democrats are just fine with him being a homebody.

As Joe Biden Campaigns From Home, his Lead has Grown to Double-Digits

In the three months Biden launched his stay-at-home campaign from his cellar TV studio, his lead has grown to double-digits in national polls while Trump has pinballed from crisis to crisis. While the president’s approval ratings have suffered under the weight of Trump’s handling of the pandemic, an economic recession and protests over racism and police brutality, Biden just posted his widest lead yet — 14 percentage points, according to a New York Times/Siena poll released Wednesday.

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“Trump is running against Trump. And it’s smart of Biden to not get in the way of that,” Hilary Rosen, a consulting partner of top Biden adviser Anita Dunn, said in echoing the sentiment in the campaign. “It’s become a referendum on Trump’s behavior.”

Democrats who were once alarmed that Biden needed to do more are suddenly perfectly happy with a schedule that keeps him as close as possible to his Wilmington, Del., home most days. Only recently has he begun to make forays beyond his own neighborhood.

First came an appearance at a nearby Memorial Day wreath-laying ceremony. Then, over the past month, he made three socially distant campaign stops in his home state and three more across the border in and around Philadelphia, once the home of his now-disbanded headquarters and the most-important city for Democrats hoping to flip Pennsylvania blue again. In between, Biden flew to Houston for a private event with the family of George Floyd, the black man whose killing by a white police officer last month led to nationwide protests and galvanized a moment.

Biden advisers are okay with having only a few events compared to Trump’s rallies

On Thursday, Biden will make the short drive to Pennsylvania once again, this time to Lancaster, a county that Trump won handily over Hillary Clinton in 2016, to meet with families who benefited from President Barack Obama’s health care overhaul and detail his own proposals to expand access. Travel time? A little over an hour by car

Biden’s advisers, operating on the principle of not fixing things that aren’t broken, say they have little intention of trying to match Trump in the volume of events he holds or news he produces. They contend that an exhausted electorate wants a return to normalcy and competent governance.

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“Since Joe Biden got in this race 14 months ago, he has offered a consistent vision for where this country needs to go and a clear contrast with Donald Trump on how he will get us there,” campaign spokesman T.J. Ducklo said. ”You see it not just in how Vice President Biden speaks — offering a vision to unite this country, rather than Donald Trump’s divisive and erratic behavior — but in how he acts. Unlike Donald Trump, our campaign isn’t going to put our supporters in grave danger just because rallies are fun. We are campaigning aggressively, but smartly.”

The campaign is betting that Biden’s method of responding to the coronavirus — preaching the need for social distancing and mask-wearing while talking about unity and empathy — will contrast sharply with Trump, who has refused to wear a mask in public, downplayed the threat of the pandemic’s duration and doesn’t spend much time expressing sympathy for the nearly 122,000 Americans who died from Covid-19.

Biden sitting back while White House Press Briefings damage Trump’s approval ratings

The contrast was by design and necessity. Since Biden was forced to shelter at home before the March 17 primaries, his advisers have clung to the belief that Trump wouldn’t be able to rise to the moment. They ignored calls to have dueling news conferences refuting the president’s daily briefings. In the end, the strategy of ceding the media spotlight to Trump paid off. After the president mused aloud about whether people could inject bleach to cure themselves of coronavirus, it became clear the White House press briefings were doing more harm to his approval ratings than good and Trump stopped doing them.

During that time, the president missed the opportunity to drive up Biden’s negatives — despite a multimillion ad blitz against Biden — and the presumptive Democratic nominee remains an elusive generic opponent.

“A generic Democrat is automatically perceived to be a viable alternative to the president, with no liabilities, drawbacks, warts, no handicaps,” top Republican pollster Neil Newhouse said. “Voters haven’t gotten to know Biden any better. And that has been good for Biden.”

Recent polling reflects how wide the gap has grown. In March, when Biden first sheltered in place, polls showed him with a 6-point lead over the president, according to the RealClearPolitics polling average — his advantage was smaller than Hillary Clinton at a similar point in March 2016 after she emerged as the de facto Democratic nominee for president.

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Now, three months later, Biden has widened his lead to 10 points — 3 points better than Clinton’s margin at this point in 2016. Polls also show that Biden’s favorability rating is higher than Clinton.

Biden’s time away from the trail has also proved to be lucrative for his campaign. Democrats have responded by sending tens of millions of dollars to their party and Biden’s campaign, which is suddenly flexing its muscle as a small-dollar juggernaut, raised more money than Trump’s in May.

Over the same period, Biden has shied away from numerous national TV interviews in favor of talking to local press, especially in swing states. The local hits make it harder for Republican groups to monitor Biden on TV and catch the gaffe-prone candidate making a mistake on video, the lifeblood of a campaign that is intent on portraying the former vice president as feeble-minded and weak.

“There’s no rule in politics that says you have to be omnipresent. In fact, sometimes it’s strategically wiser and more effective to be less visible but more impactful when you are visible,” said Ian Sams, a Democratic consultant who worked on Sen. Kamala Harris’ presidential campaign.

Biden’s campaign aligns perfectly with the need to social distance

Some Democrats worry that in playing it safe Biden is squandering opportunities to attract more millennials and liberal voters by not taking more aggressive positions on issues like police reform.

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“I appreciate that Biden has expanded his base. I think it’s mainly because he has played it safe,” said Yasmine Taeb, a Democratic National Committee member from Virginia. “He’s made some public statements in the wake of the protests, but for the most part he’s also taken advantage of the pandemic and he’s laid low.

“That may be working for him now, but the American people, the grassroots, we’re also looking for a bold leader,” she added. “We want someone out there and demanding justice and being as angry and as passionate as the rest of us.”

Still, the need for social distance aligns well with his campaign’s strategy of limiting press access to the candidate. And, unlike in Trump’s case, big rallies were never Biden’s forte anyway.

Trump’s Tulsa, Okla., speech last week revealed just how difficult it has been for him to attack Biden — when Trump mentioned him, he was booed far less passionately than when Trump attacked liberal Reps. Alexandria Ocasio Cortez and Ilhan Omar.

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